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Katarina Volard: Azil u Evropi – Kuda idemo sada?

priredio: APC

BRUSSELS, June 8th – After two years of tortuous and time-consuming negotiations, there is no sign that discussions on the reform of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) are going to reach a satisfactory conclusion. The sticking point remains the reform of the Dublin Regulation with the Justice and Home Affairs Council on Tuesday seemingly not reaching an agreement… (English version below)

BRISEL,8.juna –  Posle dve godine tortuoznih i dugotrajnih pregovora, nema znakova da će diskusija o reformi Zajedničkog Evropskog sistema azila (CEAS) postići zadovljavajući zaključak.  Ostaje problematicna nemogucnost reforme Dablina u Savetu za pravosudje i unutrasnje poslove, koji naizgled nisu uspeli da postignu dogovor prošlog utorka….

…Dok je ljutnja prema Franckenu generalno opravdana, ovom prilikom je možda u pravu- reforma u Dablinu bi mogla biti osuđena na propast. Stavovi članova ostaju nepopravljivi – V4 se drži svoje pozicije da ne treba uključiti mehanizam “solidarnosti” u obliku preseljenja, a sigurno ništa ne obavezno, dok južne države insistiraju na obaveznom i automatskom preseljenju ili boljem sistemu reforme raspodele.

Nastavljaju se pregovori i nije nemoguće postići sporazum o Dablinu, ali najverovatniji scenario sada je da će Evropski Savet kasnije ovog meseca pristati na samo dva ili tri od originalnih sedam zakonodavnih predloga koji su pokrenuti 2016 godine. Poput: Regulacije o kvalifikacijama, Direktive o uslovima prijema i okvira za preseljenje u Uniji. Verovatno će biti pokušaja da se napusti ili barem da se suspenduje reforma Dablina i predloga koji od nje zavise. Austrija kao  buduća opredsedavajuća EU  ima malo želje da rukovodi drugom rundom pregovora, i ko može da ih okrivi nakon svedočenja herojskih, ali bezuspešnih napora Slovačke, Malte, Estonije i Bugarske da nađu neki kompromis. Shodno tome, zaključci Evropskog Saveta mogu biti usmereni takoda se dozvoli članicama da odustanu.

Ako se Dablinski predlog napusti ili obustavi, treba li da žalimo njegovu propast? Verovatno ne. Međutim, moramo biti obazrivi na to šta dolazi umesto njega. ECRE veruje, ne samo da je Dablinski sistem nepravičan i da je potrebna reforma, ali i da je to jedan od razloga zbog kojeg se situacija sa povećanim dolaskom pretvorila u krizu. Ali kao i drugi, mi smo u paradoksalnom položaju gde smo se godinama trudili za reformu u Dablinu, i da onda, odjednom, ne možemo podržati predlog dat od Evropske Komisije.

Reforma 2016 godine, bila je pogrešan predlog u pogrešno vreme. Malo je učinila povodom fundamentalnih grešaka i propusta u Dablinskom sistemu, nesrazmernih odgovornosti zemalja na granicama, ali potencijalnom ograničavanju prava na azil u Evropi kroz korišćenje koncepta sigurnih trećih zemalja. Zaista, spomenuta reforma Komisije je povećala odgovornosti u zemljama prvog dolaska sa dodatnim pre-Dablinskim proverama (kasnije su te provere polako gubile na jačini i smislu). Iako nije savršena, pozicija Evropskog parlamenta barem predstavlja dublji remont Dablina. Nedavni sukobi su takođe usmereni na “stabilnu odgovornost” – odredbe o dužem trajanju odgovornosti za korisnike međunarodne zaštite, uz zalaganja zemalja južne Evrope da to bude na dve godine, gde Bugarski kompromis predlaže osam godina, a druge zemlje, uključujući Nemačku, i dalje insistiraju da trajanje odgovornosti za korisnike međunarodne zaštite traje 10 godina. Osim toga, prvobitni predlog uključuje kazne povodom sekundarnog kretanja migranata bez razmatranja opravdanog razloga za sekundarno kretanje…

Jedina institucija koja (do sada) izlazi iz ovog nereda je Evropski Parlament, koji uspešno pregovara o predlozima reforme, uprkos velikim razlikama u stavovima u svojim internim političkim grupacijama. Takođe, Evropski parlament je jedina institucija koja dosledno brani prava izbeglica, pravo na azil u Evropi i promoviše racionalan i pozitivan pristup u širim pitanjima migracija.

Međutim, napuštanje dablinske reforme i drugih predloga, iako na pomolu, ipak nije gotova stvar. Postoji opasnost i od žurbe da se postigne sporazum po svaku cenu. U poslednjih nekoliko nedelja, pojedini članovi Parlamenta su pokazali spremnost na kompromis, uključujući napuštanje važnih principa i stavova. Možda imaju na umu svoje legate, i stav Parlamenta je da se predlozi trebaju tretirati kao paket: ništa ne bi trebalo dogovoriti sve dok se ne postigne celokupan dogovor, što isključuje mogućnost usvajanja dva ili tri predloga, a da ostalo bude odbačeno.

Pozicija ECRE-a je  da je bolje da nemate nijednu reformu, nego  da imate jednu i to lošu –  pre svega što se tiče Dablina, ali isto važi i za druge predloge.  Bolje je odbaciti predlog nego dogovoriti se o nečemu što je štetno i neefikasno.

Kako dalje? Ako stavimo reformu Dablina sa strane, to ne znači da su postojeći zakoni adekvatni. Ako se ne postigne dogovor o reformi Dablina, trenutni pravni okvir će ostati u velikoj meri nepromenjen (uz mogućnost revizije kvalifikacije, prijema i preseljenja, kako je navedeno gore).  Fokus bi onda trebao potom preći na implementaciju, posebno na zanemarene delove Acquis-a – obezbeđivanje pristupa azilu u Evropi, odgovarajući uslovi prijema, funkcionisanje odlučivanja o azilu. Uzimajući u obzir promene u EASO-u, članovi bi trebali da obezbede da nova Agencija za azil u EU ima ključnu ulogu u praćenju i podržavanju usklađenosti sa pravnim standardima i osnovnim pravima. Fokus bi trebao biti na funkciji azila u Evropi, a ne na relokaciji ljudi u druge regio ne. Možda će biti potreban novi zakonski predlog kako bi ojačao mandat EASO-a s obzirom na to koliko se trenutni predlog reformi odnosi na Dablinski predlog.

Jedna od mana pregovora je to što će Austrija koja preuzima predsedavanje EU  imati više vremena da spovede u akciju razne zlonamerne planove koje kuvaju. Ove nedelje, danski premijer Rasmusen je dao informacije o tome da pojedine članice EU pokušavaju da uspostave kampove u evropskim zemljama van EU, «neatraktivne» za tražioce azila –  spekulacija je da će centri biti u Srbiji ili Albaniji.

Izgleda kao slučaj preuranjenog deljenja informacija Rasmusena jer je ideja nejasna. Izgleda da je mislio na deportacijske kampove za osobe čiji su zahtevi za azil odbijeni. Međutim, takvi kampovi bi mogli da se razviju u eksterne “prihatne centre” na koje se pozvala Angela Merkel. Nije iznenađenje da se, zajedno sa Danskom, Austrija i Holandija nalaze u grupi zaverenika. Međutim, loš je znak ako učestvuje Nemačka. Svojim učešćem daje težinu da se stvari brže dešavaju i predstavlja još jedan znak promene u pristupu Nemačke što se tiče azila a migracija. Nemačka je bila ta koja je davala otpor na prethodnim planovima ove vrste, kao što su  “sigurne luke” [eng. Safe heavens] inicijative Tonija Blera. Komentar ECRE-a je da je Nemačka sada za eksternalizaciju, sa podrškom za ekstremnu verziju koncepta sigurnih trećih zemalja i njenih rastućih aktivnosti u Africi, u kombinaciji sa manjkom volje da se suoči sa napadima na vladavinu prava u EU, koji su jedan od razloga nedostatka “solidarnosti”. Shodno tome, najviše zabrinjava  izrada planova van okvira EU.

Poučene ishodom pregovora EU-Turske, metode za pripremu sporazuma EU koji nisu ustvari sporazum EU, i zbog toga nisu predmet parlamentarnog nadzora ili u nadležnosti suda EU – članice osiguravaju da se odluke donose u neformalnim okruženjima i da se proizvode u obliku “izjava” ili principa rada. Nema sumnje da su Austrijanci umešani u takva mračna posla, s obzirom na to da su se u februaru 2016 godine šefovi policija usaglasili da zatvore Balkansku rutu – ta odluka je verovatno odigrala veću ulogu od sporazuma između EU i Turske u blokiranju pristupa zaštiti izbeglica u Evropi.

ECRE je dosledno naglasio da eksternalizacija nije odgovor – Evropi je potreban funkcionalan i fer sistem azila, stalni napredak u otvaranju sigurnih i zakonskih kanala (koji se odvijaju u pozadini), i uključivanje izbeglica kroz poštovanje prava – na obrazovanje, rad itd. Evropa treba da doprinese fer podeli odgovornosti na globalnom nivou, a ne da narušava svoje spoljnopolitčke ciljeve putem prenosa odgovornosti na druge regione.

Međutim, napori Austrije i ostalih bi svakako došli do izražaja.  Zakonska reforma predloga ne predstavlja alternativu eksternalizaciji – već na mnoge naćine ih konsoliduje.  Ne treba da žalimo ako se odustane od reforme Dablina i drugih predloga, već treba da budemo spremni za ono što tek dolazi.

autor : Catherine Woollard, generalni sekretar Evropskog saveta za izbeglice ECRE

Catherine Woollard: Asylum in Europe – Where do we go now?

While anger towards Francken is generally justified, on this occasion he might be right: the Dublin reform could be doomed. The Member States’ positions remain irreconcilable: the V4 have stuck to their position that no “solidarity” mechanism in the form of relocation should be included, and certainly nothin mandatory, while the Southern states insist on mandatory and automatic relocation or a deeper reform of the allocation system.

Negotiations are continuing, and it is not impossible that an agreement is reached on Dublin, but the most likely scenario now is that the European Council later this month will agree on just two or three of the original seven legislative proposals launched in 2016. Those that might make it over the line are the Qualification Regulation, Reception Conditions Directive recast and the Union Resettlement Framework. There is likely to be an attempt to abandon or at least suspend the reform of Dublin and the proposals that depend on it. The incoming Austrian Presidency has little appetite for managing another round of negotiations, and who can blame them after witnessing the heroic but fruitless efforts of Slovakia, Malta, Estonia and Bulgaria to facilitate a compromise. Thus, the European Council Conclusions could be framed in a way to allow them to desist.

If the Dublin proposal is abandoned or suspended, should we lament its demise? Probably not. However, we must be vigilant about what comes instead. ECRE believes not only that the Dublin system is unfair and needs reform but also that it is one of the reasons why a manageable situation of increased arrivals turned into a crisis. But, like others, we are in the paradoxical position of having argued for years for a reform of Dublin and then not being able to support the proposal put forward by the European Commission.

The 2016 reform was the wrong proposal at the wrong time. It did little to address the fundamental flaw in the Dublin system, the disproportionate responsibility of the countries at the borders, while also potentially restricting the right to asylum in Europe through the combination of admissibility/safe third country tricks. Indeed, the Commission’s proposal increased the responsibilities of the countries of first arrival with the additional pre-Dublin checks (admissibility procedures) (although these have been watered down in later versions of Council compromises). While not perfect, the European Parliament’s position at least represents a deeper overhaul of Dublin. Recent conflicts have also centred on what transmuted in “stable responsibility” – provisions on longer duration of responsibility for beneficiaries of international protection, with the Southerners arguing for two years, a Bulgarian compromise proposing eight years, while others, including Germany, continue to insist on 10 years. In addition, the original proposal included a punitive approach to secondary movement without addressing the reasons for it.

The only institution that comes out of this looking good (so far) is the European Parliament, which efficiently managed to negotiate positions on the proposals, despite the huge divergence in views across the political groups. It is also the only institution to consistently defend the rights of refugees, the right to asylum in Europe, and to promote a rational and positive approach on the broader issue of migration.

The abandonment of the Dublin reform and other proposals, while likely, is not a done deal, however. There is a risk emerging of a rush to get an agreement at any cost. In recent weeks, some at the Parliament have shown a willingness to compromise, including abandoning important principles and positions. They may have an eye on their legacies; and Parliament’s stance has been that the proposals should be treated as a package: nothing should be agreed until everything is agreed, which precludes the option of two or three proposals moving and the rest being dropped.

ECRE’s position is that no reform is better than a bad reform – on Dublin but similarly on any other proposal. Abandoning a proposal is better than agreement on something damaging and ineffective just for the sake of it.

Where do we go now? Leaving aside the reform should not mean that anything goes. If no agreement is reached on Dublin, the legal framework will remain largely unchanged (with the possibility of revisions on qualification, reception and resettlement, as mentioned above). The focus should then switch back to implementation, particularly for neglected parts of the Acquis – ensuring access to asylum in Europe, proper reception conditions, functioning asylum decision-making. Given changes at EASO, the Member States should ensure that the new EU Asylum Agency has a key role in monitoring and supporting compliance with legal standards and fundamental rights. Its focus should be making asylum function in Europe, not contributing to outsourcing people to other regions. A new legislative proposal may be needed to establish its mandate, given the extent to which the current proposal cross-references the Dublin proposal.

One of the downsides of the end of the negotiations will be that the alarming Austrian Presidency has more time to take forward whatever malicious plans it is cooking up. This week, the Danish Prime Minister leaked the information that a group of Member States is trying to set up camps in a European country outside the EU, which is “unattractive” for asylum seekers, speculation centres on Serbia or Albania.

It looks like a case of premature exclamation from Rasmussen as the idea is unclear. He seemed to mean deportation camps for persons whose asylum claims have been rejected. But such camps could then evolve into the external “common reception centres” referred to by Angela Merkel. It is not a surprise to see that, along with Denmark, Austria and the Netherlands are in the group of plotters. But Germany’s participation is a bad sign. It provides the weight to make things happen and is another sign of the change in Germany’s approach to asylum and migration. It was Germany that led resistance to previous plans of this ilk, such as Tony Blair’s “safe havens” initiatives. As ECRE has commented, Germany now seems fully bought into the externalisation agenda, with its support for an extreme version of the Safe Third Countries concept and its growing activities in Africa, combined with a reluctance to tackle the attacks on rule of law within the EU which are one cause of the lack of “solidarity”.

Most worrying is the development of plans outside of EU frameworks. Member States learned from the EU Turkey Deal the methods for preparing an EU agreement that is not an EU agreement, and thus not subject to parliamentary scrutiny or within the jurisdiction of the EU Court of Justice – make sure that decisions are taken in informal settings and produced in the form of “statements” or operating principles. There is no doubt that the Austrians are adept at such murky dealings, given their hand in the February 2016 police chiefs agreement to close the Balkans route – which arguably played a greater role than the EU-Turkey Deal in blocking access to protection in Europe for refugees.

ECRE has consistently emphasised that externalisation is not the answer: Europe needs a functioning and fair asylum system, continued progress on opening safe and legal channels (which is going on in the background), and refugee inclusion through respect of rights – to education, work etc – in Europe. Europe needs to contribute to fair responsibility sharing at the global level rather than undermining its own foreign policy objectives through outsourcing to other regions.

But all of these efforts from Austria and others would have likely happened anyway. The legislative reform proposals do not constitute an alternative to externalisation – in many ways they consolidate it. If Dublin and some of the other proposals are to be abandoned, we should not regret their demise but we must be ready for what else is coming.

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